How the Connolly Hiring Scandal Provides a Lens on Irish Penal Policy

In the wake of the controversy sparked by revelations that Catherine Connolly once sought to employ Ursula Ní Shionnaín, a former prisoner, as administrative support in Leinster House has reignited public debate over the purpose and perception of the Irish prison system. The timing of the story’s surfacing, coinciding with Heather Humphreys’ dip in the polls, raises questions not only about political opportunism but also about Ireland’s broader attitudes toward rehabilitation, punishment, and reintegration. As the Irish government continues to favour a punitive approach rooted in penal populism, this incident prompts deeper reflection on whether our justice system believes in second chances or whether a criminal record permanently marks a person as beyond redemption.

The controversy arose after it was reported during Catherine Connolly’s presidential campaign that she had attempted to hire Ursula Ní Shionnaín as administrative support while she was on the Oireachtas Committee for Irish language in 2018. Ní Shionnaín was sentenced to six years in jail in 2014 after being found guilty of unlawful possession of firearms. The fact that this has been brought to the attention of the public as Heather Humphreys falls in the polls raises the question of whether this is a true moral issue for Fine Gael. However, the reaction to the release of this story raises questions surrounding how the function of the prison system should be perceived and whether time served in prison is seen as a time for rehabilitation, or offenders should continue to be seen as a threat to society post their release. 

The idea that prisons should be seen as a rehabilitative device can be found as far back as the work of Plato, who wrote that where one man has acted unjustly: “all such cases as are curable we must cure, regarding them as diseases of the soul”(Plato 2 The Laws 229). This idea that prisons should be primarily seen as a rehabilitory process for the majority of offenders can be seen in the prison models of Nordic countries such as Finland, Norway and Iceland, where reoffending rates are at an average of 24%, the lowest throughout Europe. Nordic countries have a far lower incarceration rate than other countries in Europe. Given the philosophy of the Nordic prison systems is that “the punishment is to take away someone's liberty”, other rights of prisoners such as health care and access to education are maintained. This model, where people who are incarcerated are not viewed as lifelong criminals, has proven to benefit society. Therefore questions should be asked of why the Irish government have never applied such policies. 

The Irish government has been consistently driven by a desire to appear tough on crime and thus enacted policies of ‘penal populism’(John Pratt 2007), where increased length of sentencing and higher incarceration rates have been introduced through legislation due to a perceived public desire for harsh punishment. However, these policies ignore the research evidence of what works to prevent crime and reduce reoffending and the recommendations of the Whitaker Report(Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Penal System 1985), a Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Penal System published over forty years ago. Despite the report, the issues with Irish prisons it identified are far worse than what they were forty years ago. The report stated Ireland sent people to prison at an excessive rate, however, the rate of incarceration today is more than twice what it was in 1985. The Whitaker Report proposed basic living conditions in prisons but the standards they put forward of single cells, twelve hours outside of the cell per day, access to structured activities and dignified family contact have been abandoned in the subsequent decades. Inspector of Prisons Mark Kelly recently described prison conditions as ‘inhuman’ and ‘deplorable’(Mark Kelly 2025). He also added that treating prisoners in this way, and then releasing them back into society, was highly unlikely to lead to them being law-abiding people. When acknowledging the factual situation of the prison system it comes as no surprise that the rate of recidivism within three years in Ireland is 70%.

The current prison system does not expect those that enter the prison system to be rehabilitated and to be able to reintegrate themselves back into society. So, when someone does manage to use their time in prison to actually reform, the Irish government treats them with contempt. Ní Shionnaín has built a successful career since her release from prison as an advocate for the Irish language and currently works for the Meath Gaeltacht, appearing before the Oireachtas committee last year to speak about language planning in the Gaeltacht (where her previous criminal conviction was not raised). However, even the idea of hiring her has been ridiculed by the government parties with Fianna Fail leader Micheál Martin describing Connolly’s decision as a “very serious lack of judgement” and Presidential candidate Heather Humphreys describing it as "a very serious issue”.

While it is clear that the Irish government has a very strong belief on being hard on crime and a very pessimistic view on the rehabilitation of criminals this view does not seem to be echoed by the Irish people. In a recent study on which aspects of the criminal justice system were in the greatest need of improvement, only 11% believed that prison sentences should be longer, while only 2% believed that the system was too lenient on young offenders. These results hardly indicate that the Irish population is desperate for a more punitive system. The Irish Prison Reform Trust have also highlighted that only one in ten people see extra prison spaces as a priority in tackling crime with 68% of people believing that crime should be tackled at its root and not through the prison system.

As Catherine Connolly’s support continues to grow in the polls even after both Fine Gael and Fianna Fail called into her question her judgement for attempting to hire Ms Ní Shionnaín. It is time for the government to reflect on their policy surrounding the prison system. While Ní Shionnaín’s efforts to rebuild her life and contribute meaningfully to society exemplify the very ideals rehabilitation seeks to achieve, the backlash she has faced underscores a political culture more concerned with appearances than progress. Despite expert reports, international examples, and public opinion increasingly favouring reform, the Irish prison system continues to be stricken with outdated and punitive policies. If Ireland truly wishes to reduce reoffending and support safer communities, it must abandon the rhetoric of penal populism and embrace a justice system rooted in dignity and genuine reintegration.